This article just shows that the literate middle class of so-called youth is producing an ideology-less political ground only for the sake of securing a political participation, which leads the class toward the fulfillment of economical (luxurious) need in Balochistan. However, before elections’ result a new class of youth has emerged in our province, Balochistan. This class is ready to use his pen as an instrument of production for becoming an auxiliary class, as intellectual Hamza Alvi named it the ‘class of salariat’. New class always intends to get jobs in public sector. This tendency creates the necessity to relinquish all powers to reach to the public sector and, at the same time, form struggle as a crucial social duty. As following, the political affiliation remains the only source of destination. The class of salariat becomes the class of auxiliary when the literates of middle class get affiliations with political parties for the sake of developing an approach towards public sectors. However, in our structure as I observe, the class of auxiliary does not want to be privileged, but it always wants to be mandated under the power of the tradition as apparently, because modern politics in Balochistan has been considered as the ‘politics in war’ throughout the history. That is why the auxiliary class is struggling to get affiliations with those political parties, their leaders have traditional strong background and they not only have power to secure the advantages of auxiliary class, but socially represent their powers. As we know that social representation of power has been considered the original power in our living structure.
In these situations, with the association of auxiliary class, individualism in politics remains the collective determined area of Baloch society. Election campaign is not the name of, to approach the public, but to go and approach the social authorities. As Sardar Attaullah Mengal says in his interview, “The sardari system has lived its life”, further he says “tribalism will go extinct sooner or later”. As I think he has sharp understanding of politics that towards where the politics of Balochistan is going.
Ongoing political accession is showing the process of contradiction, because there is a political struggle to sustain the political individualism through the social collective order. Whatever productions come from this contradiction, only the auxiliary class gets more strengthened, because this class is the consequential production of the ‘politics in war’. That is why auxiliary class finds the leader from outside, because with the passage of time it changes its political club.
Conclusively, concerning political accession shapes a new dimension of politics in Balochistan. Here, democracy is a hollow slogan in the name of the participation of auxiliary class that shows the availability of political awareness. In recent times, leadership would not bother but leadership, with its traditional social power, strengthens its social autonomy through the politics.
Humza Alvi presumes that the salariat class keeps, at least, a collective destination. When class reaches at the point of concerned destination, then ultimately the salariat movement gets division into many pieces. Class movement of salariat does not remain sustained in an actual form, but it can be active with its artificial form to develop an approach of recurrence of the past.
As I observe, after the end of nationalism, when the apparently engaged political leadership takes the democratic slogan for the sake of developing his social autonomy then the class of salariat or auxiliary not only secures a political space through political participation. However, this class politically pushes leadership towards the front, for making an offensive ground against political rivals. This move has pure political aims. In this game auxiliary class just keeps eyes on to get a political destination, which is collective by nature of class and it is individualistic by the nature of politics. Its political destination shifts the leadership, when leader- with his social autonomy- comes to the political ground, at the same time he converts his collectivism into individualism, because his social autonomy by nature is collective and his political approach- with the hollow slogan of democracy- by nature is individualistic. On the other hand, same process of shifting occurs for auxiliary class differently, as where it gets collectivism politically, and individualism socially. I observe that the auxiliary or salariat class could never get division in Balochistan recently; however, it will de-territorialize the foundations of political leadership that has social autonomy.
In Balochistan the class of literate voters, who they count their literate version and pen as an instrument of production, are ready to get side of any privileged political party for the sake of developing their basic structure. These voters refer to a class of auxiliary. Critically, the auxiliary class never meets with any ideology and does not go to support it. In these circumstances, if a political party, apparently, produce a collective idea. As I think, this type of political party, probably, will not get a political victory in Balochistan, because the presence of auxiliary class occurred after the rejection of ideological politics, i.e. Grass-rooted struggle of Baloch collectivity in Balochistan.
In recent political scenario, the right wings remained only political parties to represent a collective idea. However, it was nothing more than a political pressure against other non-right wing political parties. Nevertheless, the existence of right wiing refers the end, at least, the frail of Nationalism.
Frail nationalist politics has created a political gap, as where right wing political existence is producing a political pressure against all non-right-wing political parties. During the election campaign, as I observe the same political pressure made urgency to non-right-wing parties to compromise its probable nationalism.
Nevertheless, right-wing political existence does not damage the ‘interest oriented politics’ of auxiliary class; because right-wing political nature is ideological. Moreover, its transcendental purpose of ideological ever questions the empirical purpose(s) of nationalism. That is why right-wing has built an actual pressure in Balochistan, although the political existence of right-wing is irritating the leadership, who is represented by the auxiliary class. However, the leaders of auxiliary class are in uncertain condition to convince those people, who they are not the part of auxiliary class. Ultimately, the political leadership of auxiliary is going towards the coalition or seat adjustment; this is the only remaining source for the leadership of auxiliary class to sustain their social autonomy through the politics. Leadership’s step of coalition ultimately ends his social autonomy; moreover, the leadership also does not remain sustained, because if auxiliary class accepts the coalitional step of leadership, then it will be bound to go with the ideology of coalitional partners. However, coalitional process is apparently ideological. As we know that acceptance of ideology is the source of the class elimination of auxiliary.
Notwithstanding, when auxiliary class feels political insecurity in coalition, then it moves to get a corner to eject the leadership. With the support of auxiliary class, the coalition will live a very small and irregular life. That is why as I believe that the auxiliary class will not be destroyed in the recent political-social environment of Balochistan, but the leadership will.
As we follow above mentioned notion, then we can easily find that no one is struggling for the subordinated Baloch. The subordinated Baloch has an only option to accept the privileged figures of society. As we discussed above, every privileged social figure either is the represent of political party or apparently he is neutral but he consistently represents his punditry and predict against his political opposite without admitting the other as foe. In short, no man is an ordinary man.